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Joanna Kakissis

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Early in the morning of March 24, 2016, a 45-year-old Palestinian shoemaker named Imad Abu Shamsiyeh was having coffee with his wife, Fayzia, at their home in the West Bank city of Hebron.

They heard shots being fired outside. Instead of seeking cover, they grabbed Abi Shamsiyeh's video camera and ran to the roof of their house.

He immediately started filming, zooming on the street below.

"I saw someone lying on the ground," Abu Shamsiyeh says. "I wasn't sure if he was Israeli or Palestinian. Blood was gushing from him."

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Zlota Kurka, or Golden Hen, sits in a central Warsaw neighborhood surrounded by telecom offices and wine bars. Inside, there's a window-sized menu offering Polish-style soups, eggs, dumplings, cabbage and potatoes, all cooked by women in flowered aprons and schoolteacher glasses.

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Poland elected a right-wing, populist government last year. And Polish leaders have voiced anti-globalization and anti-abortion themes that are not so different from those embraced by the Trump campaign.

The ruling Law and Justice Party has vowed to restore and protect traditional Polish identity and values.

But even Poles on the right of the political spectrum have concerns about Trump and what they perceive as his cozy relationship with Russia. They say Russia can't be trusted and are especially nervous after Russia's land grab in Ukraine.

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Like hundreds of thousands of Syrians fleeing the long war back home, 25-year-old Firas Awad endured a dangerous sea journey and a long trek through much of Europe to reach Germany, where he's staked his future.

He and his 18-year-old wife, Tamam Aldrawsha, who are both from the city of Homs, now live in what used to be a country inn and restaurant, in a tiny, forested village north of Berlin called Klosterheide, population 280.

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Last summer, the day after 61 percent of Greek voters rejected austerity in a referendum, they celebrated by dancing in the streets.

Their "no" vote was seen as a war cry of independence from onerous technocrats in Brussels, whose policies, voters believed, were keeping Greece in perpetual recession and debt.

But Despina Biri, a Greek researcher specializing in health and science, was full of trepidation.

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The wide, white tent pitched in the mud is filled with exhausted Syrians and Iraqi families crowded on cots. They have been camping out at the border between Greece and the tiny Balkan nation of Macedonia for weeks.

Moyaad Saad, a 43-year-old former civil servant from Baghdad, has been here since mid-February. He's cradling his infant daughter, Zahara, who is starting to fuss.

For Greek citizen Katerina Bouretzi, seeing the leaders of the eastern and western churches together on her island of Lesbos this weekend was a gift.

"The refugee crisis put Lesbos on the map but it also isolated us from other Europeans, who like to blame us for everything," she said. "They blamed us for allowing the refugees to cross the Aegean, and I thought, 'What are we supposed to do, drown them?' And then they blamed us for being nice to them after they arrived here."

The migrants on rafts began landing on the rocky shores of Lesbos a year ago. In a pretty village of colorful fishing boats, one of the first people they saw was Efstratia Mavrapidou, 89, who was born here. She's fragile, her eyes clouded by cataracts. But she made her way to shore by cane.

She wanted to be there to embrace the migrants crowded onto those rafts, especially the young mothers who wept as they clasped tiny, sea-drenched babies.

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UNIDENTIFIED MAN #1: (Singing in foreign language).

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